By Raymond Aron
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Additional info for Democracy and Totalitarianism
While these arguments see the expansion of the market as the main driving force of the dismantling or weakening of state borders, more normative-leaning writers suggest that it is possible to organize contemporary liberal states with less strict borders (Albrow 1996). Some authors demand that the contemporary challenges invoked by regular and irregular mobility should trigger the elaboration of a right to mobility (Pécoud and Guchterneire 2006). Tight border controls and restrictive admission policies cause serious collateral damage including trafficking, non-eligibility for asylum and the death of some irregular migrants.
To be born a citizen of a poor country like Bangladesh is (for most) like being born into the peasantry in the Middle ages. In this context, limiting entry to countries like Canada is a way of protecting a birthright privilege” (Carens 1992: 26). Modern practices of mobility and border control as well as citizenship would tie people almost as effectively to the land of their birth as feudal practices tied people to their social background. In the light of these observations, it is indeed tempting to “describe citizenship as a conspiracy against the rest of the world” (Hindess 2000: 1489).
The rising number of cross-border movements of people, information, capital, goods and services, as well as growing interdependencies among states in the context of globalization, are generally interpreted as indicators of the changing role of borders within the framework of the nation-state. This leads to the question of whether the classic model of the state with its emphasis on territorial control and mobility regulation has lost its dominance. The increase in the volume of border-crossing makes full and finely meshed control and restriction at border sites a difficult (if not impossible) undertaking.
Democracy and Totalitarianism by Raymond Aron
Categories: Political Freedom