By George Perkovich and James M. Acton, editors
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Extra resources for Abolishing Nuclear weapons: a debate
Opinion leaders and policymakers from other countries could play an important role in impressing upon these states that the shared goal of implementing a more secure global nuclear order requires them to seriously explore whether and how ballistic-missile-defence deployment can be reconciled with strategic stability. Regional nuclear powers, unsettled sovereignty and big-power projection The eight nuclear-armed states will not be able to collectively envisage a prohibition of nuclear weapons until conflicts centring on Taiwan, Kashmir, Palestine and (perhaps) the Russian periphery are resolved, or at least durably stabilised.
The disarmament of all other current nuclear-armed states, particularly the US and the UK, would symbolise the equity India has sought in international politics since independence. India could, however, make demands that would complicate a disarmament process, some of which are discussed further in Chapter 4. The former Indian foreign secretary, Shyam Saran, now the prime minister’s nuclear envoy, has criticised the approach of Shultz et al. 18 India might test the other nuclear-armed states’ seriousness by proposing timebound steps toward nuclear disarmament, including no-first-use commitments.
Ballistic-missile defence Ballistic-missile defences will inescapably influence the prospects of further nuclear reductions and eventually of prohibiting nuclear weapons. If Abolishing Nuclear Weapons: A Debate | 33 reliable testing convinces impartial observers that ballistic-missile defences would be highly effective in real-world scenarios, this technology could make nuclear disarmament more feasible, by insuring against the risk of cheating and nuclear threats involving low numbers of weapons.
Abolishing Nuclear weapons: a debate by George Perkovich and James M. Acton, editors